1. I am delighted to announce that my new book Unlocking the Potential of Post-Industrial Cities has just been published.  For those who have an active Twitter account, you can request a free e-book by filling out the form here.    We want to encourage people to read the book and to discuss and debate the book's ideas.

    In a nutshell, our book discusses economic growth and quality of life in six post-industrial cities in the United States that includes Baltimore, Cleveland, Detroit, Philly, Pittsburgh and St. Louis.  These cities featured a strong economic performance when U.S manufacturing was at its peak.  As these cities have de-industrialized, they have lost people and jobs and the remaining people are poorer than the national average.

    The title of our book is intentional.  While we sketch out the 50 year history of these cities, we really want to pivot to the future and how these cities and their residents can "unlock" their full potential.   As we exit the COVID crisis, urban economic growth will be an even more important topic. Our book focuses on 4 levels of investment;

    1. Investment in human and health capital at the individual level

    2. Investment in local real estate

    3. Investment in firm growth and private sector job creation

    4. Investment by local government in infrastructure and "rules of the game" that facilitate economic growth.

    If you would like to learn more about our book, read my earlier blog post.

    You can also read chapter 1 here.  Here are 3 kind book blurbs.


    Reviews

    "Unlocking the Potential of Post-Industrial Cities provides a clear-eyed diagnosis of the problems facing America's older industrial cities. It uses the tools of urban economics to outline a bold agenda for revitalizing these cities. A must-read for urbanists and anyone concerned with the future of these great cities and our nation as a whole."

    "Kahn and McComas's excellent book is well-written, well-argued, and important—the sort of economics that should be widely read, digested, and discussed. It offers a clear account of the economic forces that are shaping some of America's most important industrial cities and their regions, and explores economically sound ideas for their rebirth."

    "McComas and Kahn make a persuasive case that cities should be viewed as centers of expanding opportunity, not massive shelters for the poor. They explore a variety of factors, including technological changes, environmental policies, and creative economic strategies, that will lead to unlocking the urban potential they describe."





  2. This blog post will sketch out some optimistic economics 101 lessons for how to reduce the risk of future Texas power blackouts without building a single new power plant.

    In an economy that features no battery storage technology, a blackout occurs when at the given price of power --- aggregate demand exceeds aggregate supply.  Such a shortage can arise on a very cold day if most heating is fueled using electricity and if any of the up and running power generators such as wind turbines reduce their aggregate supply of power.

    Rolling blackouts injure energy consumers because a key input in daily life (electricity) is unavailable at random times and this causes pain and inconvenience.   Backup power generators and home Tesla battery systems represent two free market solutions here.  

    What are other adaptation strategies that would reduce the risk of power blackouts during extreme weather events?

    First, a state's PUC could build in "fat" so that it has access to extra power generation and transmission capacity on extreme weather days.   Due to climate change past histograms of winter and summer weather are likely to understate the likelihood of extreme weather days going forward.  We know this and the planners should engage in some robust supply design to be ready to deliver more power during extreme events.   

    An alternative to this robust "supply" margin is to take a look at aggregate demand.

    I am fan of the following opt in critical peak pricing incentive approach to reducing the aggregate demand for electricity during peak times.

    In a state such as Texas, the electric utilities should use their Big Data administrative data bases to profile which subset of their residential, commercial and industrial electricity consumers are major consumers of power and which have observable attributes that suggest that they are price responsive.   For example,  an office building that is closed at night could shut off all of its lights during those hours.  It won't bother doing so if the price of electricity is low.

    So Step #1: the utilities profile consumers and identify high baseline consumers whose attributes suggest that they may be responsive to an "opt in" incentive program.

    Step #2:  Invite the subset identified in Step #1 to participate in the following critical peak pricing (CPP) program; "Customer, we will pay you a flat fee of $F per year. In return , we the electric utility have the right to raise your electricity price per KWH by X% on 14 days per year".

    Note that this is an OPT IN program. Nobody's freedom is impinged upon. You can say "no thanks".   Economics teaches us that some economic agents are always at the margin and will sign up. The utilities can raise $F until enough customers opt in and accept the offer.  $ does not grow on trees. The utility will have to incorporate these new fixed costs into their base costs of doing business.

    A state's Public Utility Commission will need to decide how many customers to sign up for CPP.  A tradeoff emerges. It is costly to sign up customers (because each must be offered an incentive) but by signing up more customers the risk of blackouts on extreme weather days declines because aggregate demand will be lower on those days.  If climate change risk is a "known unknown", then a regulator with a taste for Robustness will sign up more customers for CPP.  By "robustness", I mean that the regulator "knows that she does not know" what is the likelihood of extreme cold or heat and wants to reduce the risk of blackouts on those days without paying too much building extra power plants or by raising electricity prices for everyone on those days.


    What is the gain from having a large number of new CPP customers? 

    On extreme weather days, the Texas utilities declare a CPP day and the subset of consumers now face much higher power prices and as we know from the law of demand --- they consume less power.  Read Frank Wolak's 2011 paper.  


    Step #3;  The electric utilities can use their "Big Data" before and after the introduction of CPP to see if the aggregate demand for electricity becomes less responsive to extreme cold (so the slope dElectricity/dCold weather  shrinks in size.  This is aggregate evidence that the microeconomic incentives are causing aggregate adaptation.

    In aggregate in this case, there will be NO BLACKOUT!!!  Econ 101 ideas matter and improve our quality of life when we allow prices to signal scarcity.

    The news gets even better here.  The media is reporting that few homes in Texas have winter insulation because people do not expect it to be cold.   Households who sign up for CPP will have an incentive to install insulation for extreme winter and summer temperature because they will anticipate that they will face extremely high electricity prices a few days a year.

    Who has the expertise in Texas to install such insulation?  As aggregate demand for insulation rises due to CPP,  young people in home construction and repair will invest in these skills and a new market in resilience will arise.

    So, to repeat this logic chain;   The introduction of CPP leads more Texas households to install insulation in their homes.  This aggregate demand for energy efficiency leads to a growth in the supply of energy insulators.  This reduces the cost of hiring these guys to work on any other home.  So, in the language of economics; there is a general equilibrium spillover effect as the scale up of CPP creates an energy efficiency industry. Note that the private sector does the installation.  Under President Obama's program, this wasn't the case and this QJE paper based in Michigan claimed it wasn't a good investment.  When the private sector handles the issue. These concerns are less likely to arise.

    This theme of market making fueling adaptation is a major theme of my 2021 Yale Press book Adapting to Climate Change. We are not passive victims and we can adapt at ever lower cost if we use free markets and price signals.

    A good economics student might ask; "why don't you raise electricity prices during peak demand times for everybody?  Why do the CPP customers clear the market by doing all of the adjustment?"   I am sympathetic to this point but in 2021 there is a deep concern about protecting the purchasing power of the poor and middle class.  Such income concerns are used as an excuse to not allow prices to float and reflect scarcity.  CPP is an opt in program where those who are most able to cope with price changes raise their hands and reveal themselves.  That is the definition of an "opt in" program.  Politicians are always quick to step in and be a "hero" protecting their voter base from "price gouging".  Anticipating this point, CPP avoids this issue by selectively raising prices for the increasingly scarce good and focusing the price increase on those who have developed a knack for coping with the price increase (i.e people who have installed insulation in their homes).  










     















  3. Mac McComas and I are delighted that our new book Unlocking the Potential of Post-Industrial Cities has now been published by Hopkins University Press.  You can order the book here and you can read chapter 1 for free here.

    Our book takes a new look at economic growth in six old cities; Baltimore, Cleveland, Detroit, Philly, Pittsburgh and St. Louis.  These cities all share the common features that in recent decades they have each lost population, lost manufacturing jobs and have high rates of urban poverty.  In Chapters 1 and 2, we discuss these points in detail.

    Unlike other books that explore poverty in cities, we focus on the role of the private sector as the key actor determining whether and when these cities make a comeback.  I do not believe that the Biden Administration or state governments are going to make large lump sum transfers to these deserving cities.   If these cities are going to make a comeback, it will be due to a new commitment to the private sector and improving local quality of life.

    Our book has the following structure.

    In Chapter 3, we discuss the private sector job growth challenge in these cities.  What would it take for major superstar companies to open campuses in these cities?  What would it take for small new firms to be more likely to succeed in these cities?   Each of these cities features great Universities.  What can be done to achieve the full economic synergies between companies and the researchers at these universities?  What lessons can Baltimore learn from Silicon Valley?  When do new productivity hubs emerge?   A key theme in my life's work is that local quality of life is essential.  Do talented footloose people want to live and work there? In our emerging Work from Home economy, this question will take on an even larger importance.  

    During my time as USC Economics Chair it was clear to me that hundreds of economists want to live in Los Angeles because it features great quality of life.  A Los Angeles University with deep pockets could build up a top 5 economics department because of the desire of the footloose to live in a great quality of life city.  Our 6 cities do not have warm winters and must think about how they can be more competitive for talent.

    In Chapter 4; we focus on the supply side and local resident investment in human capital.  We discuss Jim Heckman's work on early child investment.

    In Chapter 5, we discuss residential locational choice and quality of life in these cities.  Baltimore has a national reputation for being a high murder per-capita city.  This reputation slows down its comeback.  What are equitable strategies to address this key quality of life challenge?

    In Chapter 6, we discuss urban governance.  The urban mayors of these cities have a key influence on the local "rules of the game".  These 6 cities compete for people and jobs in our footloose national economy. If outsiders believe that quality of life is low and public services are not of high quality, they will live elsewhere such as the suburbs or a higher quality governed city.   City competition for footloose residents should lead to policy reform.  Why haven't these 6 cities made greater progress in improving public sector service delivery?

    Chapter 7 is an optimistic chapter exploring several of the emerging positive trends taking place in these cities.  For example, each of these cities is close to water and has great "green city" potential in our post-industrial age.   For several of our cities, immigrants are moving to specific neighborhoods in the city and are contributing to diversity and civic life and bringing new energy in a Jane Jacobs sense.

    Chapter 8 connects all of these puzzle pieces as we use Paul Krugman's History Versus Expectations vision to discuss how each of these cities can pivot and "unlock" their full potential. Relative to the rest of the nation, these cities feature relatively cheap housing. This could be a key time for investors to identify arbitrage opportunities.  The future payoff of investing in these cities is tied to an investment co-ordination challenge.

    For these 6 cities to achieve their full potential there needs to be 4 levels of re-investment;

    1.  Firms investing capital 
    2.  People investing in their human capital and health capital
    3.  Government investing in upgrading the city's infrastructure, safety and local public services
    4. real estate investors rebuilding the decaying capital stock.

    At the end of the day, private sector investment will determine whether these cities recover from recent negative trends.  There is no single "magic" Federal or state policy that will cause success.  Instead, confidence must be built up  by local residents and by firms and outsiders thinking of moving to these cities that their future is bright.  Confidence is tied to economic fundamentals.  Our book offers many potential strategies for how these cities can begin to reverse the disinvestment problem.

    The key for these cities to achieve their full potential is to convince private sector actors that these cities are on the rise.   Expectations are key here.   This approach differs from the typical Public Health approach or Social Work approach that places the government and the non-profit sector as the leading actors in reversing urban poverty.  

    Given that hundreds of thousands of poor people will continue to live in these cities over the next few decades, the U.S as a whole faces an imperative to ponder how to help these cities to help themselves. My goal in writing this book is to stimulate an honest scientific dialogue.  

    I do not believe that moral arguments that state: "the deserving people of these cities merit a $trillion dollar transfer from the Federal government" will be effective in reallocating resources to them.   As an economist, I worry that the expectation that large transfers may be sent to these cities actually creates a moral hazard effect of slowing down their own pro-growth reforms because some local leaders expect that a large check may soon appear if the situation becomes too dire.  

    As I think about our book's contribution to urban studies, we contribute an honest assessment of how medium sized cities compete within a system of cities for capital, and labor.   When cities under-perform, the poor people of that city suffer more.   The good news is that urban living will continue to be desired by many people and this creates new opportunities for these cities to thrive and compete for the post-covid market of new urbanists.















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